The Department of Health published its
long-awaited
green paper on the future funding of adult
social care on 14 July, 2009.
At its heart is a proposal to establish a national care service,
providing all people with needs above a single England-wide
threshold with access to some public funding for their care in
older age.
The current funding situation
The government said that currently people aged over 65
could will need care and support costing £30,000 during their
lifetimes with 5% having needs costing £100,000 or more (excluding
the cost of accommodation). It pointed out that for those with
savings of £23,000 or above there is no help from the state with
these costs.
The proposal
It is proposing to give all people with a care need above a
particular threshold at least some public funding for care: a
minimum of a quarter to a third of the cost, rising to full support
for those on the lowest incomes.
It has then put forward three options for how people might fund
care costs not met by the state:-
- A partnership model under which individuals are left to meet
their care liability themselves. While average costs for people
over 65 would be around £20,000 to £22,000, those with the highest
needs, such as those with Alzheimer's, could still face significant
costs of £100,000 or above.
- An insurance model under which people would be invited to enrol
in a state-backed insurance scheme - either run by the state or
private insurers - and then get all of their care costs covered.
The DH estimated that people might need to pay £20,000 to £25,000
into the scheme, protecting those with higher needs against
prohibitive costs.
- A comprehensive model under which all people over 65 would be
compulsorily enrolled in a state insurance scheme. This would
reduce premiums to £17,000 to £20,000, but people would need to pay
regardless of whether they needed care or not.
Accommodation costs
Accommodation costs in care homes would not be covered by this
arrangement, but these would still be covered for those with the
least means, as now.
However, the government is proposing to set up a universal
deferred payment scheme, allowing homeowners to have their board
and lodging costs met and then recovered on the sale of their
properties. This would end the current situation where deferred
payments are discretionary, with arrangements differing between
councils.
National consistency
The green paper also proposed a radical shift to a more
nationally consistent care system:
- There would be a single national eligibility threshold, under
which people who had difficulty with three or more activities of
daily living would be covered. People would be able to move between
areas and take their eligibility for care services with them,
unless their needs also changed. This would end the system of
councils setting their own eligibility criteria in accordance with
the
Fair Access to Care Services guidance and
people having to be reassessed when they moved areas.
- The government would decide what proportion of someone's care
costs would be met by the state and what by the individual, rather
than allowing councils to determine charges for non-residential
services, as they do now.
However, it has also asked whether it should go further in
removing responsibilities from councils by specifying how much
money people should receive for a given level of need, rather than
leaving this to councils' discretion.
This would mean that people living in different areas would
receive the same level of financial support if they had equivalent
needs.
However, it would not take account of the different costs of
care in different areas - for instance due to the higher costs of
salaries in London - meaning that people living in higher-cost
areas may be able to purchase less care than those in lower-cost
areas.
Timetable
The consultation on the green paper - what the government is
dubbing The Big Care Debate - will run until 13 November 2009.
The green paper is due to be followed by a white paper in 2010
but the government does not envisage implementing the plans until
2014, well into the next Parliament, and potentially under a
Conservative government.
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Background
In 1999 the
Royal Commission
on Long Term Care for the Elderly recommended that the state
pay for all long-term personal care. That idea was rejected by the
UK government, though a policy of free personal care was then
adopted by the devolved administration
in
Scotland and introduced in 2002.
In England and Wales, state-funded personal care remained
means-tested, along with, as in Scotland, hotel costs in
residential care.
However, a few years later the debate on what the state should -
and should not provide - reopened, driven by the prospect of
increasing numbers of older and disabled people and rising
expectations of services; tightening eligibility criteria for care,
excluding many needy people from support; the impact of charges and
means-testing on access to care for those with moderate levels of
wealth; and a widespread sense of unfairness about the "postcode
lottery" for services.
Wanless report
In 2006, Sir Derek Wanless's
King's Fund-commissioned report,
Securing Good Care for Older People, set out no fewer than six
funding options for social care including new and improved
means-testing; free personal care of the kind already adopted in
Scotland, and social insurance based on entitlements. Wanless
(right) expressed a preference, however, for a "partnership model",
which would give a basic, minimum level of care to everybody, put
an end to means-testing, and allow people to finance more
sophisticated care packages by matching funding up to an agreed
amount from the government.
It was not until October 2007 that the government committed to
long-term reform and promised a green paper on the future of
care and support.
Making its case for fundamental reform of social care funding in
May 2008, the government did not mince its words. In 20 years' time
it predicted a £6bn public funding shortfall if resource increases
kept pace with economic growth, driven by rising levels of need and
expectation.
Not sustainable
"The existing care and support system is not sustainable because
of the massive challenge that changing demographics represent for
our society," the government said in its
Care, Support, Independence consultation document, published in
May 2008.
This was amid evidence that tens of thousands of older and
disabled people were already not receiving the services they
need.
According to the Commission for Social Care
Inspection's
State of social care 2006-7 report, published in January 2008,
increasing numbers of people were being excluded from
council-funded services and were facing poor outcomes as a
result.
Stimulate debate
In the six months to November 2008, the DH held an "engagement
process" to raise public awareness of the impact of demographic
pressures and rising expectations on the future costs of care.
The six-month
"engagement process" was
intended to stimulate debate about the need for a better funding
settlement for social care and how this might be paid for.
The government held nine events for stakeholders and five for
citizens around the country to raise awareness of the issues facing
the care system. It also commissioned the London School of
Economics to model different funding scenarios and conducted an
opinion poll on public attitudes and awareness of the care
system.
The latter found
high
levels of ignorance among the public, with almost one-third of
adults polled believing care would be free for them in future,
despite widespread means-testing and high eligibility
thresholds.
As the engagement process drew to a close, a number of
organisations put forward their proposals for change, to inform the
green paper, and have their say on a number of key questions raised
by the government for the future of care and support.
National prescription or local flexibility
Strong support has come out for a move away from councils
determining care eligibility - and, in the case of domiciliary
care, charges - towards a national system, ending the postcode
lottery.
Department of Health director general of social care David Behan
said the idea had received strong support during the engagement
process. The government had already indicated its sympathy with the
idea. At the Labour party conference in September 2008, health
secretary Alan
Johnson
suggested the green paper may include greater centralisation of
adult social care to prevent the current postcode lottery.
Meanwhile, green paper campaign
coalition
Right care, Right deal - comprising Help the Aged, Carers UK and
Counsel and Care - also backed a national system.
In a
paper,
the coalition questioned the basis of the traditional argument
advanced for local decision-making - that it enabled councils to
respond to local needs.
It said: “The reality of our overstretched service is that this
tailoring is a myth – and most councils can do little more than
provide the essentials to those in the most dire of need.”
Meanwhile, think-tank the
Resolution Foundation also called for a national system of
eligibility, saying that low earners found the postcode lottery
particularly unfair.
One system or two
An area on which there has been less consensus is whether there
should be a single system of funding for all care users or whether
there should be two systems.
In October 2008,
Leonard Cheshire Disability came out in favour of two systems.
It said the systems should be distinguished according to people's
possession of assets - rather than age. However, the charity made
clear that its call was made in the interests of its core client
group - younger disabled adults with impairments that are either
lifelong or develop early in life.
The charity said many in this group lacked assets to pay for
care because of limited opportunities to work or save, but were
often excluded from state support by high eligibility criteria or
charges.
But despite stating that it did not want to create an age-based
divide - and that older people who lacked wealth should be covered
by the same system as younger adults - the call drew criticism from
Help the Aged.
Head of public affairs Kate Jopling said the reality of having
two systems would create a divide at 65, which would lead to
ageism.
However,
Behan has suggested that the government is not averse to the idea
of having two systems, based on whether people were of working
age or retired. He stressed that this would not be incompatible
with principles of equality, which did not mean "treating people
the same".
How far services should be universal
One of the biggest questions is about how far services should be
rationed and how far they should be universal.
When the green paper was announced in October 2007, the
government said it would be determined by the principles of
"progressive universalism" - the idea that all service users should
receive a minimum level of provision, with a greater level of
service for those with greater needs.
But since then the level of universalism has been a matter of
some debate.
Under the
Putting People First agenda to personalise care, the DH has
said that all councils in England should provide advice,
information and advocacy services to all users, regardless of
whether they are eligible for publicly-funded care.
Some groups have taken this universalism further. For instance,
the Resolution Foundation has argued for a right to regular,
holistic assessments for all service users.
The key debate, however, is whether there should be a universal
right to a personal care and support package for all people with a
minimum level of need, regardless of means.
This call has been taken up by
Age Concern. Others have not gone so far but called for
means-testing to be radically reduced. For instance, the
Hampshire commission of inquiry into the future of adult social
care argued for the cut-off asset threshold for publicly-funded
residential care to be more than doubled, to £50,000.
Tax tolerance
At the heart of this latter debate is the public's willingness
to pay more in tax to fund social care. One key problem is the
sharp fall in the proportion of workers to retired people, from
19:1 to 4:1, over the past century. It is set to fall further.
Also, public spending cuts are anticipated from 2011 onwards.
The Institute for Fiscal Studies has calcluated that, on the
Treasury's figures, average spending across government is set to
fall by 2.3% a year in real terms from 2011-14, once spending on
debt interest payments and social security has been taken into
account.
Party consensus?
Amid a strong possibility that a Conservative government will
implement the reforms,
care services minister Phil Hope has said he is keen to find a
party political - and societal - consensus on what should
change.
Have your say
What should be included in the adult social care green
paper?
Articles on the adult social care green paper
Hampshire report to feed into adult social care green paper
DH survey reveals one-third believe future care will be
free
Age Concern demand national entitlement to care and support
Right care, Right deal: End councils' role in adult care
eligibility
Tories attack government complacency on care funding
CSCI wants eligibility criteria to be replaced
Means-testing v universality: the future of adult social
care
Adult Green Paper: Can it plug the growing gap in services?
Care and Support: funding options for long-term care
Labour conference: Alan Johnson discusses green paper on adult
care
LGA proposes single budgets for older and disabled people
Right care, Right deal coalition lays out green paper
priorities
Opinion articles
Educate the public on adult care
Fair adult care for all
Podcasts
Potential models of care in green paper and discussion on
ADHD
Related information
Older people: expert guide